|By Shmuel Sackett |
Friday, July 25, 2008
Preface 1: The IDF Flees South Lebanon
Broadcaster Shelly Yechimovitz and the Four Mothers Anti War Movement goad PM Ehud Barak into a retreat from South Lebanon. Israel's best interests turn out to be no match for cheap political populism. Barak orders the IDF to flee South Lebanon, abandoning Israel's allied South Lebanon Army in the process. As a result of the humiliating retreat, the northern third of the State of Israel enters Hezbollah missile range.
Preface 2: The Temple Mount War
Barak's attempt to give Jerusalem to the Arabs unleashes another round of violence that Israel calls 'Intifada 2000.' The Arabs are more to the point, labeling the violence 'The Temple Mount War.' Ariel Sharon's visit to the Temple Mount provides a good excuse for the Arabs of Yesha (and many Arabs from within the Green Line who joined them) to declare war. Barak loses the premiership. The Israeli public, disgusted with the Oslo process, elects Ariel Sharon - a strong rightist leader - to restore Israel to a path of sanity and national pride.
"Restraint is Might"
Just like the right-wing leaders who preceded him, Sharon sheds his rightist rhetoric as soon as he comes to power. Instead, he sings a new, leftist tune: "Restraint is Might." The slippery slope of nationalism devoid of commitment to Jewish faith consistently leaves nationalist leaders captive to the Oslo disintegration mentality. Sharon's corrupt dealings accelerate the process. Begin wanted the legitimacy of the Left and retreated from Sinai. Sharon needs more than legitimacy from the Left. He needs his freedom.
Sharon surprises the public with his total expulsion plan - typical of his bulldozer personality and his need to protect himself from investigations and prison. Unlike Begin, Sharon does not proceed in a democratic manner. He does not put his plan up for public approval and cynically ignores the decision of his own party opposing the plan.
The Winds of Fascism
The power elites in Israel enthusiastically adopt the plan to destroy the Jewish communities of Gush Katif and northern Shomron. Unlike the peace treaty with Egypt and its offspring, Oslo, the 'Disengagement Plan' could not be sold to the Israeli public as a new dream. Instead, the government simply explains that it is necessary to carry out the non-violent pogrom because that is what has been decided and that obedience to the state is above any moral considerations. Disengagement Israel totters dangerously on the brink of fascism.
The Failure of the Settler Leadership
If the Orange public had had rabbinical and political leadership with a Jewish liberty mentality and values system, it would have been relatively easy to stop the Disengagement plan. But at the three crucial junctions of the anti-Expulsion struggle; conscientious objection, the struggle on Israel's highways and the physical presence of thousands in Gush Katif (Kfar Maimon) - the rabbinical leadership collapses, leading to the collapse of the political leadership, as well. The motivated multitude of people who came to the march to save Gush Katif finds itself perfidiously led to nowhere by its leaders. The fate of Gush Katif and Northern Shomron is sealed.
From the IDF reports on the Disengagement we learn that the soldiers who refused to take part in the crime were generally those who "were not under the influence of the rabbis." It is hard to think of a greater desecration of G-d's Name than the enlistment of the Torah to neutralize an effective struggle against the destruction of Jewish communities in the Land of Israel. But that is exactly what happened in Av, 5765.
The Orange Public Evades Responsibility
The perfect implementation of the Expulsion without significant opposition from the soldiers leaves the IDF Samson shorn and blinded. The IDF loses its moral standing and as a result, its ability to defeat Israel's enemies.
If the Orange soldiers had conscientiously objected, they would have saved the IDF and the state. If the Orange civilians had waged a serious struggle on Israel's highways and in Kfar Maimon and prevented the Expulsion, they would have saved the IDF and the state. Even if the Expulsion would have eventually been carried out, a determined struggle would have saved some of Israel's moral standing. But the Orange public fails to carry out the historic role that has been placed on its shoulders. When Israeli society sees that it cannot rely on the Orange public, it goes with the winner, bringing Kadimah to power.
Olmert: Convergence and Amona
Sharon makes a dramatically providential exit from politics and Olmert replaces him. He also wants to become the darling of the ruling leftist elite. He also wants to be the pre-eminent leader regularly praised by the prestigious, leftist Ha'aretz newspaper. Not coincidentally, he also has some serious corruption skeletons in his closet that need to be safely out of the sights of the Big Brother state prosecution.
Sharon destroyed Gush Katif with sensitivity and determination. Olmert is determined to destroy all the rest. Sharon was 'sensitive and determined.' Olmert resolves to be violent and vengeful. Olmert presents the Convergence Plan and the preview to how it would be perpetrated: Amona.
There is no doubt that the maniacal behavior of the riot police at Amona is directed and orchestrated from above. "I admire the police force that carried out its job with determination," Olmert explains, leaving no doubt as to the source of the directives.
The horrific pictures emanating from Amona erode Kadima's popularity. The destruction of many more Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria is temporarily postponed.
Sharon was considered a true leader by both his admirers and his detractors. It was impossible to ignore his impressive military record and his determination. The deceptive Olmert needs to re-invent himself in the image of Sharon.
The 'opportunity' to become a brave military leader, crowned with the legitimacy to implement 'painful concessions' is provided by the Hezbollah abduction of Eldad Regev and Ehud Goldwasser, may G-d avenge their blood. The arrogant Chief of Staff of the Expulsion whispers in draft-evading Olmert's ear that he could defeat the Hezbollah from the air. The war that would "give a tail wind to the Convergence," as Olmert explains to the media, breaks out.
After it perpetrates its crime against entire Jewish communities, the IDF loses its sense of justice, its fighting spirit and its ability to triumph. After 33 days, the State of Israel is on its knees. 150 soldiers and civilians die on the altar of Olmert's dream of destroying the settlers. Israel begs for a cease fire and Tzippy Livni markets the deployment of UN forces into South Lebanon as a great achievement. Two years after the war, Israel admits that the 'great achievement' has essentially provided UN sponsorship for even more Hezbollah fighters armed with the latest missiles on Israel's northern border. Regev and Goldwasser return - in coffins. In exchange, Israel surrenders one more of its 'principles' and frees baby killer Kuntar.
The Gleeful Days of the Rule of Law Gang
Israeli society, still astounded by the Gush Katif triumph of the Sharon and left-wing bully system, enters a moral tailspin that does not allow it to be rid of Olmert. The rule of law replaces the rule of ethics. Legal clauses replace values, the public does not identify a true alternative and Israel's public debate takes place strictly in the courts.
Currently, Israel could not have found a more appropriate prime minister than Olmert. The Israel that has lost the last of its principles and exchanged values for law has a wily and deceptive lawyer for prime minister, completely at home on the legal arena.
The Escape Hatch
Israel has recently suffered three terror attacks in which civilians killed or almost killed the terrorist (Merkaz Harav yeshiva, Bulldozer 1 and Bulldozer 2). All of these civilians are from the Orange public. The way out of Israel's terrible situation is through the public that has produced these brave men - men with the right values system - men who run to be first to kill the terrorist and protect their fellow Jews. Their eyes have not been blinded and their locks have not been shorn. The Orange public, expelled and scorned, will save Israel with the proud Jewish leadership it so sorely needs.
Thursday, July 17, 2008
The following interview will appear this Shabbat in the Zman Tel Aviv section of Israel's Maariv newspaper.
Maariv: What are you really looking for in the Likud? Isn't the National Union party a more appropriate political home for you?
Maariv: Please explain.
Moshe: I am looking for leadership. The National Union party is made up of fine people who are correct on many issues. But our goals are different. They want to influence the government, while I want to lead. Our country is in a state of decay and collapse. The train is speeding toward the abyss, just as I have been warning since the Oslo Accords. I feel that I understand the essence of the problem and that I must take the steering wheel into my hands.
Maariv: But you lost the primaries. Netanyahu won. Now what?
Moshe: I do not see the primaries as a loss, but rather as progress. I am sorry that the Likud did not unite after its internal race, as is the norm with other political parties in the democratic world. I am encouraged, though, by the fact that I am getting extremely positive feedback at all the other levels of the Likud. Many Likud members tell me that they did not vote for me in the primaries for chairman of the Likud, but they definitely want to see me in the Knesset.
Maariv: Will you be running for the Knesset?
Maariv: And can you work with Netanyahu?
Moshe: Certainly. We have a lot of common ground.
Maariv: Mr. Feiglin, what is your message to the Israeli public?
Moshe: I think that we must make the Jewish identity of our state our first priority.
Maariv: A theocratic state?
Moshe: Not at all. Israel must be a state that affords its citizens the liberty to express who they really are. I actually oppose religious parties and religious legislation.
Maariv: So what kind of state are you referring to?
Moshe: Israel should be a state in which every child in the educational system studies Jewish identity for one hour daily. Our children should know our history, our land, the Bible and the prayer book. Whether or not they choose to pray from the prayer book is their choice (or that of their parents). But at least they should be familiar with the glorious history and culture that informs who they are today.
Maariv: And what will you do about the Arabs?
Moshe: This may surprise you, but the Arabs are not at the top of my list of worries. I am much more worried by the fact that when the Left wins the elections, we get leftist policies and when the Right wins the elections, we still get leftist policies. In other words, we do not really enjoy democracy in Israel. Instead, we are controlled by dictatorial powers that are not elected and that represent values that contradict the values of the Jewish majority.
Our problems with the Arabs are a reflection of the problems between the Jews. The Left is fanatically anxious to 'solve' the Arab problem so that they will stop reminding them that they are Jews. They erroneously think that if the Arabs no longer hate the Jews, they will also be free of their Jewishness. This psychosis has accompanied the Jewish people for generations. The Arabs have subconsciously identified the obsessive need of Israel's leftist leaders for their recognition. This is a tremendous psychological asset that they use to manipulate us. That is why there will be no peace with the Arabs until we make peace with ourselves.
Maariv: So you are saying that there is no peace because we try to escape our Jewish identity?
Moshe: Right. As soon as we free ourselves of our identity crisis, we will have peace with our neighbors.
Maariv: And what should we do in the meantime?
Moshe: We must stop getting sidetracked by the Arabs and concentrate on the Jews. Israel should give every honorably discharged soldier who wants to get married free land on which to build his home in the Negev, Galilee, Golan, Judea or Samaria. If you travel today along Wadi Ara or the Negev, you will plainly see that the state has de facto provided every new Arab couple with free land.
Secondly, Israel must give its citizens as much freedom of choice as possible. Every citizen should be able to obtain a broadcasting license and to broadcast on both radio and television to his heart's desire (within the confines of Israel's security needs and common morality, of course). Supreme Court justices should be elected by our elected representatives and undergo a Knesset hearing, as is done in America. Israel should have district elections so that our Knesset members would have to answer to their own constituency.
When Israel comes down on the side of liberty and true democracy, it will be free of the identity crisis of the 'enlightened elites' that has been plaguing us ever since the state was born. Israel will be a Jewish state for the Jewish people. At that point we will be able to deal with the challenges facing us - and triumph!